It is also notable that on average the interviewed Party members have higher educational qualifications than non-Party members. About 96 percent of the Party members covered by the survey have at least a bachelor's degree and 20.7 percent have a master's or higher degree. In contrast, only 63 percent of the non-Party members have attended a university and only 2.4 percent of them have a master's or higher degree.

According to the survey, the income of the members of the 1980s generation in Shanghai increases with their education level. It is thus understandable that Party members draw relatively high salary than non-Party members.

The fact is, an increasing number of university students have volunteered to join the CPC in the past few year because the Party has been making greater efforts to recruit more young talents. Such factors have played a collective role in increasing the income of 1980s generation Party members in Shanghai.

Another finding implies higher educational qualifications may not guarantee higher salary and reflects the complexity of the relationship between political status and income level, as most senior managers of Shanghai's 1980s generation do not have a master's or higher degree. Although 18 percent of the interviewees covered by the FYRST hold a managerial post, only 15 of them occupy senior managers' post. Of the 15, seven have bachelor's degrees, five, vocational degrees and three, high school degrees.

The absence of senior managers with higher educational qualifications can be attributed to the different nature of work they do. The majority of the interviewees with a master's or higher degree have not been working long enough to be promoted to senior management positions. In comparison, those who graduated from high schools or colleges entered their careers earlier and thus gathered more experience to get promoted. That's why some netizens feel that higher education does not necessarily mean better paying jobs.

By and large, the attitude of Shanghai's 1980s generation toward society provides ample materials for studying the social changes in China. But it would take more time and effort to understand the logic in scientific investigations such as the FYRST survey.

The author is an associate professor at the School of Social Development and Public Policy in Fudan University, Shanghai.